CIT and the Economic Competitiveness of Regions:
A Case Study of the Stuttgart Region
Guido
Spars,
Franz Fürst
Institute of Urban and Regional Planning
Technical University of Berlin
Rohrdamm 20-22, D-13629 Berlin
mailto:spars@gp.tu-berlin.despars@gp.tu-berlin.de
mailto:fuerst@gp.tu-berlin.defuerst@gp.tu-berlin.de
Abstract
This paper examines the impact of CIT on regional economic development and
convergence of regions. CIT induce potential cost reductions and
networking opportunities into the existing regional economic
system . To materialize the potential benefits in the region it is
crucial that inter-firm connectivity is high both
horizontally and vertically. Consequently, regional policy has to address
particularly connectivity and networking issues.
Since the mid-1990's, the regions and the regional level have been given
increasing scientific and political attention. (Storper, 1997; Krugman,
1995; Benz 1998; Fürst, F. et al, 2000). This recent popularity of
considerations beyond the boundaries of the neighborhood or city
the region is contributed to two reasons. The region has been identified as the
adequate level for problem and phenomenon analysis such as economic
disparities; environmental problems and urban sprawl. Secondly, the
region offers a more promising leverage for specific policies and instruments
than the urban level in tackling these problems (BMWi, 1997; Klaphake,
2000; Fürst, D., 1994).
The dynamics of regional development
The essential economic issues are centered around competitiveness and
the economic convergence of regions. There exists a broad discussion
whether or not European regions actually converge. One essential
ingredient of regional economic development is technological
change and spatial diffusion of innovations. In this context, the
question arises what impact recent CIT have on regional economic
development and the problem of convergence. One position holds that
patterns of spatial disparities such as the well-known
downtown-suburban dichotomy is exacerbated by current processes, mainly through
an increased interregional competition of locations and economic
integration on a European and global scale. Following this line of
argumentation, peripheral and rural regions are caught between
prosperous agglomerations and low-wage countries in a type of
"sandwich situation" which jeopardizes their development
potentials and necessitates the swift enactment of efficient regional
policies counteracting this potentially harmful process.
Contrary to this position, some regional scientists emphasize the importance
of multiple balancing forces in regional development. This position is
based particularly upon theoretical findings and empirical studies, which
confirm that there is indeed a spatial decentralization of economic activities.
It appears that this is long-term process, which is, are relatively stable
and continuous, even tough the evidence put forward by supporters
of the polarizationhypothesis suggests otherwise. Supporters of the
convergence hypothesis expect the large-scale de-concentration of
economic activities to continue in the future, which provides peripheral
and rural regions with the chance to appropriate 'footloose' industries,
thus entering a 'virtuous cycle' of economic prosperity.
In more recent regional economic theory, economic development processes are
typically explained considering the two variables transport
costs and the economies of scale of a specific good. Low transportation
costs and potentially large economies of scale lead to geographic
centralization of production. Conversely, high transportation costs and
low economies of scale result in a decentralized production structure.
The minimum condition for a regional industry to be feasibly
concentrated in a region is that the gains derived from increasing
returns to scale of a specific product outweigh the transportation costs
to the respective market. Adding a third variable -labor-, we find that once
the centralization process is started, the skilled
labor force tends to migrate to the region that matches their
specialization. Typically, this migration process will lead to an
increased demand for the particular good or service produced in the
region, thus creating a self-reinforcing process of development via a
demand linkage (Krugman, 1995; Fujita et al, 1999). The danger inherent in such
a 'virtuous cycle', of increasing specialization is, however, that the
region becomes increasingly mono-structured, thus also increasing its
vulnerability to a product or branch specific negative demand shock.
Within the framework of classical location theory, CIT can be regarded
primarily as a reduction in production and shipping costs. To get a
more comprehensive picture of the spatial impact of CIT, however, it is
important to note that this cost reduction actually occurs in all stages
of the production and sales process and is achieved by a series of
reductions of spatial impedance. As outlined above, the propensity for a
particular industry to be concentrated in one central
location increases with decreasing transportation costs provided
that economies of scale remain constant. At this point, the nature of the
underlying economies of scale under the impact of CIT is a crucial
one. In recent empirical and theoretical work there are beginnings of
evidence that geographic economies of scale can indeed be substituted by
'virtual' economies of scale which relaxes the need for spatial proximity
in order to realize increasing returns to scale for a specific firm or branch.
These simplified theoretical considerations can be illustrated by an
empirical example, the Stuttgart region in Germany.
Case study: the Stuttgart region
The
Stuttgart Region is among the most powerful regions of Germany in terms
of economic performance. There live approximately 2.5 million inhabitants
in the region, representing a quarter of the total population of the
Land of Baden-Württemberg. The Stuttgart Region forms a coherent economic
area with its own administrative structure and its own regional
parliament. Almost one third of all goods and services in
Baden-Württemberg and around 35% of exports are generated on 10% of the land
area. The performance of the regional economy depends heavily on the
manufacturing sector, with a particular emphasis on automotive industry,
mechanical engineering and communication technologies (WRS, 2001)
Underneath the surface of an impressively vibrant and healthy economy, as
illustrated above, there lurk, however, signs of an at least
temporal economic slowdown in the region. When analyzing time series of
GDP growth-rates it becomes apparent that the growth rates of industry-
(approx. +6%) and service employment (+27%) from 1977-1989 are much
higher than in 1989-1998 (–19% and +12% respectively). For
knowledge intensive industries and business services, for which CIT are
of particular relevance, the growth rate of employment changes from +22%
(1977-1989) to -5% in 1989-1998. (Dathe, Schmid, 2000).
Interestingly enough, regions in the northern German 'rust belt' -
commonly identified with chronic structural problems and high
unemployment rates – now experience disproportionately
high growth rates and recently even managed to outpace the "European
Hi-Tech Capital " in terms of growth rates in
knowledge intensive industries and businesses. The figures for the region
of Bremen, for instance, are +27,5% (1977-1989) a nd +3%
(1989-1998) employment growth in knowledge-intensive branches
(Dathe, Schmid, 2000) Isolating the impact of CIT from the mixed
empirical evidence is a rather difficult task. It is safe to assume,
however, that CIT have not played a prominent role in neither of
the regions in the first period (1977-1989). To be sure, the
overall volume of CIT usage and knowledge-intensive activities is much
higher in the Stuttgart region than the Bremen type regions of northern
Germany. It is possible, however, that Bremen's larger growth rates are due to
the fact that we find a rather special constellation of knowledge
intensive industries in Bremen, all of them having recently experienced a
boost of productivity because of the application of CIT (aerospace industry,
bio technology etc.).
Implications for regional policy
Regional economic theory suggests that individual firms as well as regional
economies can benefit from the application of CIT across all branches and
regions albeit to a different extent. If and how the potential benefits can be
materialized in a particular region depends on a number of factors in
practice. A critical point in this context seems to be that there
pre-exist tightly knit communication networks in the region that are
enhanced by CI technologies. If these networks are not available as a
basis for a particular industry and region then the potential for
amplification of current network activities through CIT remains, of
course, very low. Dathe and Schmid (2000) find that the degree of network
efficiency is increasing exponentially with the number of participants
in an informal network. A strong localized network of firms has been envisaged
as a successful model for the new flexible economy (Malecki, Toedtling,
1995). The competitive advantages in such high-tech districts are achieved
through high quality, expertise, flexibility, knowledge spillovers, scale
economies and subsequent cost reduction. The inter-firm network supports the
innovation process by spreading risks, combining resources and sharing
expertise and experience.
Regarding regional policy and planning issues, considerable development
potentials can be realized through synergies of specialized and interwoven
regional structures which manifest themselves as innovation advantages via
external effects of R&D mechanisms (Beise et al 1998). Ideally, regions are
characterized by flexible decision structures facilitated by their commonly low
degree of institutionalization and their ability to enhance "capacity
building" networking processes (Arndt/Gawron/Jahnke, 2000,
Herrschel/Newman 2000). Core tasks for regional and municipal governments in
this context include establishing networks, linking potential cooperation
projects through specific agencies and providing infrastructural facilities.
Besides supporting established activities, it is also essential to ease market
entry for newcomers and start-up businesses by providing them with necessary
information and directing them to appropriate existing firms for cooperation
purposes.
In Stuttgart, a regional internet community of about 100 internet-firms as a
"good practice" is currently being established by the Business
Development Agency. The region has built up the so-called PUSH! network for the
support of new businesses, especially New Technology Based Firms (NTBF). During
the last two years, more than 150 start-ups from universities and research
institutes were formed under the auspices of this network. New Projects have
been launched by strengthening the ties between different branches with the
help of CIT, e.g. traditional printing/publishing firms with educational and
research institutions (WRS, 2001). Thus, opportunities for private investments
can be facilitated. Additionally, studies of successful regions suggest that
municipal and regional governments not only promote the networking and connectivity
of their local industries but also play a pro-active role in interfacing public
and private activities (PPP, city and regional marketing etc).
Hypotheses for further discussion
Regions
with a strong high-tech manufacturing component in the economic structure are
generally more prone to benefit from CIT because these industries offer more
leverage for specialized CIT applications to enhance productivity. The
potential for productivity gains is also proportionate with the complexity of
the production process of manufactured good.
The
pre-existing economic base determines CIT activity and development paths
(Stuttgart region).
Despite
the universal absolute benefits of CITechnologies in the regions, relative
differences might eventually lead to increased economic interregional polarization
in the wake of cost advantages of regions applying CIT in the production of
highly specialized and highly centralized goods.
Successful
regional policy should determine traditional strengths of the regional economy
in a regional conference. Besides a streamlining of the production process of
existing industries, it is crucial to determine strategies how industry-specific
know-how can be combined with CIT know-how to develop innovative applications.
Regional
economic policy has to balance the need for specialization with the need to
minimize the socio-economic risks inherent in spezialization.
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